iN ALEKSEi
GERMAN'S ORBiT
This month (June, 2018) writer Martin Kessler takes over The Pink Smoke with his five part series on Russian director Aleksei German, a titan of le cinema who is surprising obscure in the West.
Join us as Kessler explores the filmmaker's career, step by step: from medieval sci-fi to Soviet noir to wartime romance - German's body of work is brilliantly wild and unpredictable.
{PART I: ANOTHER CENTURY. ANOTHER PLANET}
{PART II: ESCAPE VELOCITY}
{PART III: APOAPSIS}
{PART IV: ECLIPSE}
{PART V: EVENT HORIZON}
PART II:
ESCAPE VELOCiTY
~ martin kessler ~
Hard to Be a God would end up being Aleksei German’s final film, but it was
nearly his first solo-directed film. The project found its origin in the 1964 novel of
the same name by the science fiction authors, the Strugatsky brothers.
The novel is about a scientist from Earth named Anton, who travels to an alien
planet that happens to be nearly identical to Earth during the Middle Ages. Anton
is supposed to be a neutral observer, playing the role of a noble Don to blend in.
However, as the planet becomes gripped by a totalitarian sect, Anton is forced to
intervene. The Strugatsky brothers began writing it as a sort of Alexandre
Dumas-inspired swashbuckling adventure, but by its completion the novel had
taken on a serious political subtext, with allusions to the Communist regime. For
instance the villainous character Don Reba was created as a stand-in for
Lavrentiy “The Butcher” Beria, who was the head of the NKVD (the Soviet secret
police) under Stalin.1
Aleksei German had been given a copy of the novel by an editor friend, and
immediately after reading it seized on the idea of adapting it into a film. German
wrote the first version of the film’s screenplay in 1968, in collaboration with Boris
Strugatsky, the younger of the two brothers. “He knew everything, but he was
also wrong about everything,” German would say with a chuckle, describing his
friendship with Boris Strugatsky. Supposedly they spent most of their time
together debating virtually every subject over tea and candies, rather than
actually working on the script. That script bares a number of differences from
both the novel and also the 2013 version that German would eventually make. I’ll
elaborate on that in a later chapter, but to give you an idea, German
characterized the 1968 script as “less philosophical and more adventurous” than
the film he would eventually make.
German cast as his leading man in the film, Vladimir Retsepter. Retsepter was
mostly associated with the theatre, not only as an actor, but as a writer and
director too, though he would accumulate a number of film credits in the following
years. With hindsight, German mentioned that he thought Retsepter would have
been interesting, but likely wrong for the role of the Don-impersonator from Earth.
Hard to Be a God was set to begin shooting in Central Bohemia, Czechoslovakia
in 1968, but the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia which began on August 20th
of that year, derailed the project. The practicalities of shooting went out the
window, and the subject matter of the film immediately became too sensitive. The
following day, German received a telegram from the editor-in-chief of Lenfilm
telling him that the film was cancelled. For a while the script would be banned for
its politically provocative premise of a Russian ‘spying on and then violently
interfering with another nation’. German was advised to even throw the book out
and to, “Forget about it. Forever.”
The Strugatsky brothers wrote German a kind conciliatory letter. They asked if
German would make a film out of the novel they were then working on, Inhabited
Island (also known as Prisoners of Power), though nothing would come of that. I
think German wasn’t looking to make a sci-fi film, so much as he was interested
in what Hard to Be a God in specific had to offer.
German would return to Hard to Be a God in the ensuing years, but at that time
he had to move on to something else. So, as circumstance would have it,
German’s first solo film would be Trial on The Road.
TRiAL ON THE ROAD
aleksei german, 1971.
Trial on The Road is based on an older screenplay titled Operation Happy New
Year, that had been written by Yuri German.2 Aleksei German had collaborated with his father in writing a revised draft, but had set it aside when when his father
died in 1967.
Aleksei and Yuri German:
Aleksei German insisted that his father wasted his own talent by often writing
quickly without revision. “He wrote things for just one day. He took good stories,
and then he destroyed them. He made them worse. It was a big tragedy of an
intelligent and good person. At least I think so.” Aleksei German’s approach was
much the opposite, spending a great deal of time and care in research and
revision.
The synopsis for the original version of the script described its main character as
“a merry fellow accidentally caught in the clutches of the Germans, and now
redeems involuntary guilt with feats and blood”, which doesn’t seem quite right
when applying it to what Aleksei German would go on to make. The Operation
Happy New Year script would be altered in subtle but important ways.
To complete the final screenplay for Trial on The Road, Aleksei German brought
in two collaborators. One was Eduard Volodarsky, who was still in his twenties,
and fairly inexperienced, but would go on to become a respected and prolific
screenwriter. Only Eduard Volodarsky and Yuri German would receive credit for
the film’s screenplay, but it was also Aleksei German’s first film written in
collaboration with Svetlana Karmalita.
Svetlana Karmalita, was born in the Kiev, Ukraine, and like German, had a
Jewish background. She had a degree in philology, and no prior experience in
film. When German met her on August 15 1968 (while he was still readying to
shoot Hard to Be a God), she was involved in the medical field, “doing something
with bone marrow” as German phrases it. Apparently she was already engaged
to a doctor, but German swept her off her feet. On her importance to his life,
German mused, “As they say, loneliness is a good thing, but you need to have
someone to say that loneliness is a good thing to.” Their first date was on the day
of the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia. She would be his greatest artistic
collaborator, and would also go on to write a number of screenplays of her own.
Karmalita helped greatly in filling in the the genericism of the story for Trial on
The Road with narrative specifics. It was also her idea to cut a romantic subplot
present in the original script. Aleksei German and Svetlana Karmalita went into
production on Trial on The Road as newlyweds.
Trial on The Road is a film set during WWII, and it begins with a girl’s raspy
voiceover elaborating on a memory as the German army digs up Russian
potatoes and ruins them by pouring petrol all over in an attempt to starve the
local partisans. Sight & Sound contributor Michael Brooke beat me to the punch
in comparing it to Linda Manz’ voiceover in Terrence Malick’s Days of Heaven,
though I might be original in saying that the long take that follows of cows being
loaded onto train cars greatly resembles the opening of Béla Tarr’s Sátántangó.
It’s a stark and mood-setting image, though the cows do become crucial to the
plot by the end of the film.
A folksy balalaika plays on the soundtrack, which gives way to a full orchestra as
the cattle car doors are closed. It’s a piece of music that’s a little reminiscent of
Ennio Morricone’s film scores. Isaac Schwartz who had composed the score for
The Seventh Companion (and who as far as I can tell isn’t directly related to
Evgeny Schwartz), composed the score for Trial on The Road. He would also
score Akira Kurosawa’s Soviet endeavour, Dersu Uzala.
With the stakes set, the story that follows is of a Russian named Lazarev. A
former taxi driver who had been fighting on the German Reich’s side during
WWII. It’s something that was common, though rarely acknowledged by the
Soviet Union after the war, and has largely fallen out of common knowledge.3
Lazarev is captured, or rather lets himself be captured by Russian partisans and
tries to convince them that he is willing to switch sides. The leader of the
partisans is understandably skeptical.
Lazarev is played by Vladimir Zamanskiy, who despite looking like he’s made of
stone, keeps the character from ever falling into bland stoicism. He makes
Lazarev a real person who is vulnerable, but with a conscience, trying to navigate
the doomed scenario he’s found himself in. Zamanskiy had previously acted in
Andrei Tarkovsky’s short film The Steamroller and the Violin, and would go on to
be quite prolific (as of writing this, he’s still alive in his 90s). He has a face for
black and white, I think. Even his eyes are grey.
Lazarev is locked up with another Russian in a German army uniform who has
been taken prisoner by the partisans. He’s played by Nikolay Burlyaev who was
the young bell maker in Andrei Rublev and Ivan in Ivan’s Childhood, and here
looks like he’s just grown his first moustache. He cries that the partisans won’t
even give him a last drink of vodka before they execute them.
Before the two prisoners can be execute, there’s an attack by an SS punishment
devision, and in the chaos of retreating, the young prisoner escapes. Lazarev
doesn’t even try to escape, which gives the partisan leader a reason to hesitate
in having Lazarev executed. The political officer, who rivals the partisan leader
believes the proper thing to do would be to kill Lazarev, but the partisan leader
thinks the turncoat may be someone he can count on.
The partisans use Lazarev in his German uniform to flag down a German officer
and their escort, so that they can ambush them. The partisans hesitate in
assisting Lazarev, waiting to see how he handles the shootout. The ambush is a
success, but one of the partisans is killed. The Political Officer assigned to the
partisan group is suspicious that Lazarev himself may have killed them, but the
partisan leader has faith in Lazarev.
Lazarev himself is very aware that the partisans may decide to kill him at any
moment, and there’s a particularly eerie scene where he’s awoken at night and
told that he’s invited to a New Year’s party. As he’s escorted into the woods, he
becomes more and more certain that he’s about to be shot. This is it, this is the
end, but it turns out the party in the woods is real! There’s an accordion and no
political officer.
It’s difficult to articulate something of what the film expresses simply through
relating its plot. So many of the film’s details and moments linger in my mind long
after and seem as important as anything else; a horse chewing the bark off of the
inside walls of a log cabin, the SS punishment devision emerging from the cold
mist, a woman killed while rushing to take down her laundry during a mortar
attack, the record scratch-like sounds of hot bullets hitting snow, a retreating
peasant crossing themselves over a religious painting they have to leave behind
in the woods… They all add up to a film that’s more than the sum of its scenes.
In contrast to The Seventh Companion, German’s personality is properly on
display here. For instance there’s German’s distinct (and often scatalogical) dark
sense of humour. “I wasn’t saluting, I was just showing how deep in shit we are,”
one partisan in the film would joke. Aside from being the sort of humour that
might naturally be observed in life and the sorts of jokes that people really would
make to break the tension, I think it helps anchor the film from drifting into a selfserious
blandness common to war films. For instance, I remember how the
perpetual bleakness of Kon Ichikawa’s beautifully crafted Fires on the Plain beat
me into an emotional monotone. Despite the dourness of his film’s scenarios,
once you get onto a certain wavelength, I think you’ll find that Aleksei German’s
films always have something funny in them.
Stylistically, the Trial on The Road deviates from the stagnant Social Realism that
was common to Brezhnev-era films. One of the most striking aspects of the film
is German’s tendency to have people glance or stare into camera (which he
would build on with his subsequent films, even having characters speak to and
interact with the camera in his later films). It’s used to great effect in Trial on The
Road’s most memorable scene; a flashback in which the partisans have been
ordered to destroy a bridge just as a Nazi train crosses it. At the precise moment
that the train crosses, a barge full of Soviet prisoners of war, passes beneath the
bridge. The partisans stare with tears in their eyes, and the decision to not blow
up the bridge is reached without a word spoken. The barge simply drifts by. It’s
one of the most haunting and human things I’ve ever seen put to film.
German managed to cast real Gulag prisoners to play the POWs. I don’t think
you could fake that sort of sadness in so many extras:
It’s a politically provocative sequence as well, evoking sympathy for the soldiers
who survived Nazi prisoner of war camps only to be declared traitors and sent
straight into the gulags. The gulags are a subject that Aleksei German would
address more thoroughly in his later films.
The flashback is used to explain the tension between the leader of the partisans
and the political officer who has been assigned to them. There was a natural
tension, in that many partisan groups arose spontaneously and were initially
independent from the Soviet government. Some even fought both the German
and the Soviet armies alike. Political officers were assigned to ensure that there
was some government control over them. However German doesn’t just rest on
this, and adds additional depth to both characters. In the following scene, the
political officer is angry for the bridge not being blown up and makes it clear that
anyone who is captured by the Germans is a traitor. The partisan leader counters
by suggesting that the political officer’s own son may have been captured when
his plane was shot down. The political officer insists that his son would have died
heroically, but you can see how deep a nerve is struck in the political officer and
how much he resents the partisan leader for raising the issue.
Tarkovsky fans may recognize Rolan Bykov, who had a small role in Andrei
Rublev, who plays the partisan leader here. German would say “I think he was
the only genius I ever worked with, though his acting could be quite bad.”
Tarkovsky fans will definitely recognize Andrei Rublev himself, Anatoly Solonitsyn
as the political officer. Often German would resort to saying, “This is great for
Tarkovsky, but I need something simpler” when the actors would pitch him ideas
of how to play their scenes.4
Anyway, to finish off the plot, the partisans hatch a plan to steal back the train full
of cattle from the opening sequence. They intend to use the German army
uniforms, vehicles, and equipment they captured in their ambush to send
Lazarev and three other partisans to his original destination where no one would
know yet that he has defected. It’s a train yard guarded mostly by a unit of
Russian soldiers in service of the German Reich.
The night before the mission, Lazarev tries to kill himself, but is saved. Lazarev,
like Lazarus, brought back from death. The partisan leader tells him that “dying is
not allowed, that’s an order”, and that they need him for their mission to succeed.
There’s desperation in the partisan leader’s voice.
Things don’t quite go according to plan. When do they ever? During the
operation, the young Russian prisoner who had escaped the partisans earlier is
among the guards at the train station. He recognizes one of the partisans after
he stops to flirt with her. All hell breaks loose, and Lazarev is forced to kill one of
his old buddies. One person’s hero is another’s crook.
Lazarev picks up a machine gun and fights off the oncoming young soldiers,
killing one just before he can switch the rail line, allowing the partisans to escape
with the train full of cattle.
With the climax being a lone belt-fed machine gun wielding hero facing off
against an army, you might think of the 1934 classic Chapaev.5 Lazarev’s an
action hero, but it’s compounded with the strangeness of having Russians in
German uniforms fighting Russians in German uniforms. There’s an air of dark
absurdity to it. In part it undermines the sense of the war as something in moral
black & white terms, but I think too that it’s Aleksei German deliberately muddying
the notion of ‘taking action’ having any inherent virtue. It’s a theme he’d expound
upon later in his career. In a later interview, German would say that it wasn’t until
the film began shooting that he began to think of it in terms of the Western genre.
He was inspired by what Italian filmmakers had done with the moral landscape of
the mythic west. So with that in mind, I think it’s possible to not just think of
Chapev when that machine is picked up, but perhaps also antiheroes like Franco
Nero as Django.
Lazarev taking action seems about as much a redemptive act as it does a
damnable act. It tangles my emotions. German described it as a film that was
“not about fighting the fascists, but about the truth of the trenches”.
Of course Lazarev ends up dead, face-first in the snow.
The film concludes with an epilogue focused on the partisan leader, forgotten and
left behind to push an armoured vehicle as the Soviet moves toward Berlin in the
last days of the war. German gives the man who would be lost to history a closeup
to end the film. It’s a tonal note that may be unique amongst Soviet era war
films (I watch a lot of them on youtube), not going for the sort of melancholy, or
triumph, or melancholy tinged collective triumph that’s so common. It evokes a
more elusive emotion.
Needless to say, the film was something of a scandal. There was an investigation
by the Politburo to figure out why the film wasn’t axed in the screenplay stage.
The expense of filmmaking meant that it was preferable to ban or censor films
before they were ever shot, so a completed film facing the possibility of
destruction was rare. As German would explain, “We were lucky that the previous
film, The Seventh Companion, was not very successful. So we were not really
controlled from the artistic point of view. It was easier in that situation because no
one expected us to produce such an artistic explosion.”
The film would make Aleksei German enemies, but earn him allies and
champions as well, both among his filmmaker peers and also with people of
some political influence. Vitaly Akseyanov, the head of Lenfilm at that time
supported German and lost his job over it. Alexander Soburov, a prominent
general who had been a partisan leader during WWII, was convinced of the film’s
importance and added his support. The result was a sort of stalemate in which
the film was not destroyed, but would be shelved with no intention of it ever being
released.
However, Trial on The Road wouldn’t go entirely unseen. German and Karmalita
managed to swipe a print of it, that they would hide under their bed. They would
screen the film in secret for close friends. German said that one of his greatest
regrets was turning down an opportunity to show Trial on The Road to Aleksander
Solzhenitsyn (author of One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich, who was at that
time working on The Gulag Archipelago in secret), but he had to be very
secretive when it came to showing the film.
Two of the people German did screen the film for were the wife and husband
filmmakers, Larisa Shepitko and Elem Klimov. The influence of Trial on The Road
can be felt heavily in Shepitko’s 1977 bleak and snowy war film, The Ascent
(which would also cast Anatoly Solonitsyn), and Klimov’s 1985 film Come and
See, which is about a boy who joins up with a partisan group, and makes use of
German’s device of having characters look directly into camera. Through some
ups and downs, Shepitko and Klimov would be lifelong friends of German and
Karmalita. Klimov would also be instrumental in Trial on The Road’s eventual
release, fifteen years after it was initially completed.
When Trial on The Road was finally released, Lenfilm tried to fine German twenty
percent of the film’s budget for making an unreleasable movie. German haggled
them down to five percent.6
TWENTY DAYS WiTHOUT WAR
aleksei german, 1976.
After the controversy of Trial on The Road, it’s a wonder how German’s film
career continued at all, but like I mentioned it did bring him to the attention of
some influential people. The key one for his follow-up film would be the war
journalist and poet Konstantin Simonov whom German had met in Arkhangelsk
as a child. After seeing Trial on The Road, Simonov decided that German was the
right person to collaborate with on a film.
Initially they began work on a screenplay about a Hungarian soldier who was
killed during the Spanish Civil War, but eventually dropped that in favour of
adapting Simonov’s own wartime notes. Simonov would go on to use the same
notes to create a story titled From Lopatin's Notes, which Twenty Days Without
War is often attributed to being based on, though really they’re parallel projects
which only vaguely resemble one another. In addition to Simonov’s notes,
German’s also used his own memories of civilian life during the war. In addition
to that German and Karmalita also took a short story that had been written by the
Nobel Prize winning author Ivan Bunin in 1933 and used it to give a narrative
spine to all the anecdotes and structure their screenplay around. Simonov is the
only one who would receive a writer’s credit though.
The resulting film is about an officer, Major Lopatin, retuning from the front on a
twenty day leave to an Uzbeki town far away from the fighting of the war. During
his leave he’s obligated to consult on a propaganda film based on his journalism,
deliver the possessions of a young killed comrade to their mother, and give a
motivational speech to factory workers. On his train trip (in a series of scenes
that are a little reminiscent of the beginning of Dostoevsky’s The Idiot) he’s seen
by a woman who is at first resentful of him, but as it turns out she is a seamstress
named Nina who is doing costume work on the film based on his writing. As they
meet and meet again Nina and Lopatin fall in love.
The love story ends up being incredibly powerful. It’s all played with extreme
subtlety. There’s no swelling music, no grand romantic gestures. Instead the
power of it comes from what goes unsaid, what the two characters can share,
and the realness of it. German singled out a specific shot to describe his
approach to keeping the romance grounded, explaining, “I used a shot that
showed them through a window. They are sitting at a table, eating, talking. For a
long time I didn't like this shot, until suddenly something wonderful occurred to
me. Do you know what the two were doing? They were scolding each other! They
were trying to outdo each other with barbs. Before, that shot threatened to be too
sentimental.”
German resists sentimentality, but when the two leads finally come together it’s
as if all the goodness in the world exists entirely in between their embrace. Of
course there are no twenty days without war. The officer’s leave is cut short
(making the film’s title into a cruel joke) and he’s forced to return to the front
earlier than expected. The love story ends with a handshake. The last image of
the heroine is of her stepping in a puddle. The officer heads back to the front
where they’re far away from victory. Of all of German’s films, I think Twenty Days
Without War is the most immediately emotionally accessible.
Reflecting on the middle-aged love story, German said, “The love of young
people is never very interesting for me because it's a time of getting to know
yourself. The love of an older, more mature person is something else entirely.
More precious, more genuine.”
For the two leads, German made the perhaps unlikey choice of casting actors
who had previously been known for their roles in lighthearted musicals and
comedies from the 1950s and 60s. Signing pixie Lyudmila Gurchenko plays Nina,
and famed clown (with clowning being generally more respectable as an art form
in Russia) Yuri Nikulin plays Lopatin.
By coincidence I had watched the 1956 musical Carnival Night on the Mosfilm
youtube channel shortly before seeing Trial on The Road, which starred Lyudmila
Gurchenko. It perhaps gave me some sense of how her presence in Twenty
Days Without War may have come across to audiences when it was released.
Knowing her when she was young and pretty,and colourful, here looking still
beautiful but also weary and hardened. It holds a certain power, in addition to
Gurchenko’s performance being truly fearless.
Originally German had cast Alla Demidova as Nina, but she dropped out to
instead play a role in Tarkovsky’s Mirror. I think things worked out for the best. It’s
hard to imagine Twenty Days Without War without Lyudmila Gurchenko’s
particular bittersweetness. From what I understand, Twenty Days Without War
gave her something of a career resurgence, and she would have a string of
respectable roles throughout the 1980s and beyond.
I’d imagine the effect was similar for audiences familiar with Yuri Nikulin. A bit like
seeing Mr. Hulot thrown into a uniform and looking depleted. When one
character asks Lopatin if he likes jokes, Nikulin delivers a tired, deadpan “Only
when they’re funny”. There are comic aspects of the character, but they’re subtle
and naturalistic, like for instance when an acquaintance comments that Lopatin
looks like he lost weights, and he replies with “It must be the haircut.” Nikulin
gives Lopatin a wit that’s often self-effacing, and a quality of someone exhausted
by open-heartedness in the face of awfulness. I know too that Nikulin fought
during the war and brings an authenticity and sensitivity to the role. It also wasn’t
the first time he had a serious turn (actually it’s kind of a funny role), with a small
part in Andrei Rublev. While Yuri Nikulin Remained a comic icon, Twenty Days
Without War would lead into a less active period of his career, with only three
more film roles between its competition and his death in 1997.
German was put under heavy pressure to replace Nikulin, with State Committee
members declaring, “This is not a Soviet writer, but some sort of wino. This
defames our foundations.” Simonov intervened, throwing his weight behind
German’s casting choice, allegedly at one point yelling “I invented Lopatin. He's
out of my head! You cast whoever you want as Zhdanov. Leave me Nikulin. Do
not touch German, leave him alone!” at a member of the Central Committee.
Zhdanov was a mass murdering politician strongly associated with Stalin, so you
get the gist of what he was implying. When I hear about German’s legendary
stubbornness, I wonder if some of that came from Simonov’s personality rubbing
off on him.
I think it’s worth saying that the supporting performances are excellent too. It’s a
mix of professional and non-professional actors. Another Andrei Rublev actor and
Tarkovsky regular, Nikolai Grinko appears in the film, though it’s not his voice you
hear speaking. Grinko had difficulty saying his lines as he was recovering from a
heart attack during production. Grinko suggested that they ask another actor
Innokenti Smoktunovsky, to dub him. Smoktunovsky was one of the most
acclaimed Russian actors who ever lived, and he’s probably best known for
playing Hamlet in the film version directed by German’s former-mentor, Grigori
Kozintsev. To convince Smoktunovsky to fulfil their request, German and
Karmalita screened Trial on The Road for him, which apparently caused him to
break into tears and say, "How do you know all this?" I was in captivity, I served
with the Germans, then I was in a gulag ... All this is about me.” So that’s why
and how a highly-acclaimed voice comes out of Grinko’s mouth in the film.
I think the stand out supporting performance though is by Aleksei Petrenko who
plays the foreboding and nameless officer on the train who delivers a nearly ten
minute monologue, telling the dark story of how his marriage fell apart, ending it
with asking Lopatin if he can write a letter to his wife. It’s the film’s most
mysterious scene. Lopatin sees the officer as potentially dangerous after that
monologue and tries to keep a polite but cautious distance from him after.
Petrenko would become best known for playing Rasputin in Elem Klimov’s film
Agony (which is also heavily informed by Aleksei German’s style, particularly in
the recreated newsreel style footage), but Petrenko would say that his relatively
small role in Twenty Days Without War was the best of his career.
German built on the style he begun developing in Trial on The Road, and it seems
properly solidified here. I’ve seen German’s style described as ‘hyper-realism’,
but I’m not sure even that entirely does his style justice. There are moments
where I thought I must have been looking at a bit of stock footage from the war
cut into the film, but then surprised to see the camera tilt over and there the actor
is! Or the opposite where the camera lilts away from the main characters and
seems to just happen to catch a soldier being reunited with his mother and
sisters who thought he was dead, in a scene of such raw emotion with ostensibly
extras that it gives the feeling that it was just something that happened to happen
in reality and could only be filmed once, like a documentary. That’s not how it was
made of course, but that’s the effect it has when you see it.
In her book, The Imperial Trace, Nancy Condee points out the contradiction of
how German’s films may resemble documentary, but his process is antithetical to
the documentary process, carefully orchestrating everything you see and hear.
It’s also not what someone today might think of as a ‘documentary style’ either.
There’s a distinct lyricism too. I don’t know if saying that a film is “poetic” is one of
those things that doesn’t mean all that much anymore, but it seems right. That
notion that film can be to sight what music is to sound. Like a piece of music, you
don’t have to focus on one thing at a time. NYU professor Mikhail Yampolsky
wrote that “The history of Aleksei German is the story of the liberation of
cinematography from the yoke of the accumulated cliches.” I’d find out that
German would read poems to the cast and crew between takes.
It might be easy to assume that because so much of German’s filmmaking seems
to reject ‘aestheticized cinematic beauty’ that there are no beautiful moments in
his films, but with a bit of patience and an open mind you’ll start to notice that
they’re full of them. I’m not sure there’s any other filmmaker that keeps me in the
moment so well as German.
While watching I try to guess which may be the moments that came from
German’s own childhood. One I’d be willing to bet money on is when the camera
tilts up to reveal that a man who had just dressed up as Santa Claus had been
observed by a very young boy through their bedroom window.
German said that “We all remember that special atmosphere of the war. And so I
tried to reconstruct the loudness, the rumours, the speech of the war so as to
build something like a polyphony, to hear an echo of the voices of war.” I think
much of that sentiment is reflected in the film’s sound design and mix. The film’s
soundscape is heavily layered with overlapping dialogue and sound effects. It’s a
quality that would only become more complex and prominent with each German
film. The effect it has is incredibly immersive, but also presents a challenge for
subtitling and being understood. Often an important line comes not from the
person who the camera is focused on who is speaking, but from someone in the
background or offscreen speaking over them.
German took an interesting approach in researching the soundscape of the
period. He described it as follows: “For the sake of veracity, I looked for people
who had been blinded during the war and therefore could still remember the
sounds of the war. I found a man who could recite poetry and sing songs as they
were heard during the war. You should know that recordings of radio broadcasts
do not exist any more. This man and his wife helped us very much. Both had
been blinded during a bomb attack, so the acoustical side of the war years was
well preserved in their memories.”
There’s a sequence in the film that might as well be a mission statement by
German. It’s while Lopatin is present to advise on the film based on his writing.
He points out several details that were untrue to how things were on the front.
“It’s a lie” he says. It gets the officer into an argument with a commissar who
insists that what goes on screen must meet regulations and be ‘how things are
supposed to be’.
I’ve read German describe similar interference by state officials when making his
films, saying “It was strange that the bureaucracy, the state, was trying to get into
everything. For example, their insistence on quality. Who cares what kind of
village is shown? what kind of costume is worn? But it was supposed that
everything must be common. The average type. And it was considered terrible
when something just stood out of line.” German’s filmmaking is too specific, too
individualistic, too concerned with the anomalies of life, to make average films.
The director of the propaganda film sides with Lopatin as much as he can,
making changes, but then there’s a flashback sequence to show the officer’s
experience. The flashback is presented with the spontaneity and feeling of reality
that German is so skilled at creating. The only moment of artificiality is when the
family the film-within-the-film is about, stop to pose for a photograph. However
that one artificial moment is there only to be shattered by a shell exploding
behind them the moment before the photo is taken, violently impacting the family.
When the flashback is over, German has the film-within-the-film not played badly
or exaggerated. It just feels like a movie you might easily find from that time,
even though the director is happy to tell Lopatin that he ‘fixed the scene’ to meet
his suggestions. The contrast between that flashback and the film-within-the-film
sharply highlights that you can get the details right, but still not capture the truth. I
think German’s style and approach deviates from more traditional methods of
filmmaking out of necessity for that pursuit of truth.7
German’s attention to verisimilitude was frequently called into question during the
production. For instance not everyone was onboard with shooting on a real train
for the film’s first few scenes. Typically that sort of thing would be done on a set
or mock-up, with maybe a projected background or intercut with stock footage to
give an impression of movement. There was a push by the studio and some of
the crew to do just that, but German persisted through the challenges of
shooting, and especially recording sound on the moving train. It may not be the
most practical approach, but it’s hard to argue when seeing the result. Like
everything else in the film, there’s no need to suspend your disbelief, what you
see simply registers as reality. It’s quite breathtaking too when Lopatin glances
out the window of the train and sees for instance camels and trucks and a soldier
waving. They’re all period correct, and choreographed so that the camera seems
to just happen to catch them as the train goes by. It expands the scope of the film
so well.
Twenty Days Without War would be the beginning of German’s reputation for
taking an exceptionally long time to make his films. When asked why it took two
years to complete the film, German would shrug and say, “From the point of view
of people who live in the West, it's not even understandable how you can make a
film for two years. So we were working. Then we stopped. Then some actors left,
and new people came. Then we started again. And we continued. Then we were
short of money. Then someone got ill. It lasted for two years. We had to go
through all of that.”
Like Trial on The Road, Twenty Days Without War would be banned, but this time
only for five years. It’s not really obvious why it was banned. I’ve seen some
critics assume that it was due to the film’s anti-war themes, but when looking at
other Soviet war films with anti-war sentiments, I’m not sure that would
necessarily be a reason. It’s in the tradition of films like Mikhail Kalatozov’s The
Cranes Are Flying, which was (rightly) much celebrated. Not that they needed a
reason. German's explanation was that, “If there’s too much art in it, they’ll ban it
just in case.”
I’d wonder if the film being banned may have had something to do with German’s
brazenness. I know that around the time Twenty Days Without War was shelved,
German had begun feuding with Filipp Ermash, who became the president of
Goskino, the State Committee for Cinematography in 1972. It was a feud that
reached its climax during a memorial for Larisa Shepitko, who died suddenly in
1979, a great loss to film. As German describes the infamous incident, “They let
me go to the podium, because they thought that decorum would prevent me from
saying something seditious. But I said from the rostrum, Why are you afraid of
him? Who is he? A small official, that's all! He himself is afraid of everything. Why
are you afraid of him and, by his word, change one film into another? While I was
yelling all of this, the whole presidium fled. The only one who didn’t leave was
Semyon Lungin (the screenwriter of Elem Klimov’s Agony.)"
Simonov passed away in 1979, so he didn’t live to see the release of Twenty
Days Without War, but at least the film was well received when it was released in
1981. For many it was the first film by German that would be seen, and amongst
the first westerners to be introduced to his filmmaking were English directors
Sally Potter and Derek Jarman.8 It brought German recognition as a
noteworthy talent.
It’s funny to see that with The Seventh Companion under the radar and Trial on
The Road still banned, Twenty Days Without War would earn a number of ‘best
debut’ awards. I have a touch of sympathy for any first time filmmaker who would
have been in competition with Aleksei German then, because Twenty Days
Without War is so clearly the work of an assured, considerate artist and
confident, seasoned director.
In Ian Christie’s 1981 interview with Andrei Tarkovsky, when asked which Soviet
filmmakers he most admires, Tarkovsky would say, “I regard the Georgians
Iosseliani and Sergei Parajanov as the best Soviet filmmakers, and I would place
third the Leningrad director German, who made Twenty Days Without War.”
Tarkovsky’s praise of German would be less reserved after the release of
German’s next film...
MY FRiEND iVAN LAPSHiN
aleksei german, 1984.
Aleksei German would return to his father’s writing in finding his next film. He
would incorporate material from multiple stories written by his father, but mostly
utilize the 1938 novella Lapshin, which is about a devoted communist detective,
written in the socialist-realist style. It’s closer to Bulldog Drummond than to high
literature. The film is a loose adaptation, which I think should be emphasized
since I’ve seen a few synopsis and reviews that have misinformation, seemingly
relying on the novel to explain what’s on screen.
German wrote the first version of the script in 1969 with the title of Head of
Operations, and would dust it off nearly a decade late to revise it with the same
collaborators he had written Trial on The Road with. Once again Yuri German’s
work would be transformed into something else entirely in the hands of German
and Karmalita, along with screenwriter Eduard Volodarskiy (who again would be
the only one to end up with a screenwriter credit).
German would say, “My father was more naive than I am. He had a harder time
seeing bad things.”
Before going into production, German said that at Lenfilm he was forewarned
about criticizing 1934 and 1935, the period that My Friend Ivan Lapshin is set
during, because Stalin was bad, but those years were beyond reproach. Those
were good years under communism. German would wryly punctuate that
anecdote by letting you in on the joke, “There were no good years under
communism”.
The resulting film in an unparalleled depiction of life at that time. There’s a
framing device of the narrator in present day, thinking back to their childhood. As
a child they’re one of the characters we follow, though only a minor one, living in
the same flat as the main characters and often observing them from across the
hall. I think the purpose of the framing device is to look at the story both with
hindsight in mind, but also perhaps some of the understanding of a child.
The film follows the titular Ivan Lapshin, partly in his pursuit of a notorious
criminal and their gang, but also in his every day life and the lives of those
around him. Watching it, I’m reminded a little of Edward Yang, the way the lives
of many characters are delicately interwoven over a longer period of time. The
fact that German can convey emotional depth comparable to a film like Yi Yi or A
Brighter Summer Day in an hour and thirty-five minutes strikes me as miraculous.
My Friend Ivan Lapshin is more than a slice of life film though. A massive dark
cloud of irony hangs over it all, knowing that Stalin’s brutal purges are just around
the corner. German said that, “We wanted to show life and some of the things
that brought people to death later. So this is a film presentiment. It shows the
people who will die. They don't know about their deaths yet, and they think they
will live. They think they will have a very good and happy life.”
Lapshin himself is a bit of a boyscout character. Trying to follow the rule of law
and be a decent person. There’s maybe a touch of Jimmy Stewart via Capra
about him. Lapshin’s friends call him “Our local Pinkerton. The star of many a
hair-raising drama”. His and what becomes his fellow detectives’ motto is “We’ll
clear this land of scum and build an orchard”. When someone asks him what is
the psychology of a killer, Lapshin shrugs and says simply “They’re killers.” He’s
a proper communist, a romantic, who believes in the system and its rules.
Even though he has the aura of a high school basketball coach, Lapshin’s not a
one-dimensional character. He has a darker side that he tries to hide and
suppress. He’s developing a growing grudge against the word for things not
working out the way he thinks they should. As the film goes on we find that he
fought in the Civil War and still suffers nightmares and post-traumatic stress.
One prominent character is the free-spirited actress Natasha Adasova, whom
Lapshin has a crush on. She’s played by the formidable actress Nina Ruslanova,
who thankfully would work again with Aleksei German, and also appear in the
much beloved sci-fi comedy Kin-dza-dza!
Natasha is prone to practical jokes, and at one point walks up to Lapshin’s friend
and roommate, Vasya Okoshkin (played by Aleksei Zharkov, who would also
work again with German) while he is flirting with a group of women. She pretends
to be his neglected wife and makes a scene just to embarrass him.
Natasha is an actress, though it’s implied that she may not be a very good one.
She was fired from the leading role in one play, and acts as a potato in children’s
matinees, where she repeats “come on, cover me with dirt.” She has the role of
a prostitute who has a political awakening in an upcoming play, and wants to
prepare for it as best as she can.
Lapshin helps Natasha out by introducing her to a real prostitute to research her
role. The prostitute goes by Kate Napoleon, and she was arrested by Lapshin for
stealing a pair of shoes, and will be sent off to a gulag for it by the end of the film.
Her apartment has hammer and sickle wallpaper, which seems as ridiculous as it
does believable. Lapshin tells Kate to give Natasha the facts, but “No smut
though.”
Not long after, Lapshin finds out that his writer friend Khanin’s wife has just died.
Natasha feels sorry for him. Lapshin takes his depressed friend in to stay at his
apartment. Khanin tries to commit suicide, but gags on his pistol and is
unsuccessful. After that, Lapshin promises to take Khanin with him to catch
criminals, partly to keep an eye on him. It sounds like a somber character, but
there are surprising touches of dark humour to the character, who is played by
Andrei Mironov. Mironov was mostly known for his comedy roles in classics like
Beware of the Car, The Diamond Arm, and a popular television adaptation of The
Twelve Chairs.
When Natasha Adasova’s play premiers, it’s the sort of socialist realist style
performance that was common at the time (I think the play is or is based on
Nikolai Pogodin’s The Aristocrats, but I’m not positive). German’s direction of the
play-within-the-film is much like his direction of the film-within-the-film in Twenty
Days Without War, something typical of the period, and he even throws in
elements to give the sense of spontaneity of live theatre, like the wheel that pops
of a wagon and topples Natasha over. I’m reminded of the bit of cat-chaos during
German’s theatrical production of Dostoyevsky’s The Idiot, as a student.
The play flops, and Natasha Adasova in particular is panned. Lapshin bristles
when his friend Okoshkin points out that “the prostitute wasn’t convincing at all”.
After the play’s disastrous premier, Lapshin uses a ladder to climb up to
Natasha’s window to confesses his love for her. You find out that Lapshin’s the
kind of guy who, when she changes her clothes in front of him, makes sure to
look at the painting on the opposite wall. When Natasha mentions how much the
theatre director yelled at her, Lapshin promises to “put him in his place”. He’s a
white knight. Lapshin kissing Natasha goes over about as well as you’d expect a
romantic gesture from a man like that to go over. She tries to let him down easy,
but explains that she’s really in love with Khanin instead. Finding himself on the
wrong end of an isosceles-shaped love triangle, Lapshin’s romantic letdown
sends him spiralling into bitterness.
The love triangle plot and the criminal plot don’t overlap in any obvious way,
which has given some viewers and critics the impression that they are irrelevant
to each other, but I think the love triangle plot is essential in understanding
Lapshin’s motivation later in the film. There’s a sort of transference with his
embittered feelings over Natasha into the criminal plot. To feel like utopia is within
his grasp, but the important things, the human things, don’t actually improve for
Lapshin, I think is the source of a resentment building inside him. Lapshin takes a
turn toward the authoritarian.
There’s a small subplot about an experiment where a fox and a rooster are
caged-in together. The fox is fed in an attempt to prove that without hunger, the
fox and cock will be friends. Still, nature prevails and the fox kills the cock. It
comes across like a parable within a parable.
Lapshin makes headway in his pursuit of the criminal gang. It’s never said
outright, but it’s strongly hinted at that the gang is selling dead people for meat.
Frozen bodies are removed from a secret root cellar out in the middle of
nowhere. A butcher is interrogated as an accomplice. It’s likely as a direct result
of the 1932-1933 famine, where cannibalism wasn’t unheard of.
There are less extreme allusions to shortages across the country throughout the
film. All out of sugar. Characters daydream about the promised increased
production, with “by nineteen thirty-eight our country will be producing four million
bottles of champagne, and twelve thousand by nineteen forty-two” being proudly
stated in smalltalk. Of course things will only get worse, but they don’t know that.
There’s optimism in the air. German points out in an interview that, “They talk
about how things will look in 1937. Although it's quite clear that these people are
not going to see the year 1937.”
There are also allusions to the growing climate of terror, of course all told with
great subtlety. One example is a brief exchange between two characters halfseriously
threatening to have one another arrested and taken away. German
explains that “Of course, that's a little bit of a joke. But a joke of those times. If
you look closely at it, it means that it was something that was happening. In other
words, the sequence does show that people were being taken away.”
Lapshin ends up tracking down the criminal and his gang, and leads a raid on the
rural co-op they’re using as a hide out. Khanin tags along. Things go badly and
Khanin has his stomach ruptured by the criminal while trying to arrest himself.
Khanin is found still alive, and Lapshin has him rushed off to a hospital.
Wounded, the criminal hides out behind a shack. Ivan Lapshin takes matters into
his own hands and shoots the wounded criminal who asks for help as he tosses
away his pistol and tries to surrender. It’s genuinely heartbreaking to see straightas-
an-arrow Lapshin kill a man so cold bloodedly. What’s the psychology of a
killer? They’re killers.
The film ends with a celebration, but the characters all seem to be disillusioned
and going their separate ways. One of the theatre actors is off to play Sancho
Panza in Don Quixote, and promises to try to find a role for Natasha. Living in La
La Lamancha. Natasha is moving on, but asks if Lapshin will come and visit her.
“Some day. Thanks” he answers coldly, giving her a little salute. She leaves
unimpressed.
The film ends on an eerie note, full of things unsaid. No one ever thinks that
they’re just a background extra in the first act of a story about genocide, so to
speak.
I think part of the film’s brilliance is that it peels away the romance of and
nostalgia for the time period. There’s a narrative of a sort of communist fall from
grace that was common at the time the film was made (and that I’ve still heard
parroted to this day); that the communism of The Soviet Union was essentially
good, but was somehow corrupted or twisted by something external, turning that
ideology into something murderous and terrible along the way. My Friend Ivan
shows that things didn’t go from good to bad, they went from miserable to
cataclysmic. It’s a film that’s ultimately about tragedy’s roots in unexamined
idealism. Implicit in the film’s subtext is the notion that the immense death and
suffering that followed the events on screen were not a consequence of
communism gone wrong, but a direct result of the communism that Lapshin and
the people around him deeply believed in and were optimistic about.
There's a well placed line near the end of the film spoken by Lapshin’s friend
Okoshkin that states plainly that “It was just a bad year.” It’s as bold a statement
as your likely ever to find in a Soviet film.
I don’t meant to make it out to sound like some sort of polemical film (if anything
it’s closer to a parable rooted in history). The film achieves everything simply by
showing life at that time as unvarnished as possible. I don’t want to short change
just how vital and human My Friend Ivan Lapshin is. Life still moves at the pace
of life, even as it’s all about to come crashing down. There is no The People,
there are only people. German shows it all, the good and the bad, the funny and
the sad.
At the center of it all is the character of Lapshin himself. German said about him,
“He's a man who actually comes out of this time, out of this regime. And this
regime in the end will destroy him.” I think it’s German's genuine compassion for
these doomed people that elevates the film. I think too that maybe the best
humanist filmmakers don't shy away from humanity's darker face.
German cast Andrei Boltnev (in his first film role, though it would end up being
the second film role general audiences would see him in) as Ivan Lapshin,
because “he had the seal of death on his face” and that “it was clear he'd be shot
and killed”. His face is well-utilized in the film’s gloomy poster artwork.
Andrei Boltnev would perhaps also fulfil that doomed quality that German saw in
him by dying of a stroke at the untimely age of 49. Andrei Mironov who played
Khanin would have an untimely death too. He’d die unexpectedly from from a
brain aneurysm at age 47.
As you might expect by this point, German and Karmalita went above and
beyond in their attention to historical detail. They spent about a year in preproduction,
collecting authentic period props, costumes, and vehicles. German
didn’t trust Soviet archives and newsreels when it came to collecting information,
so he sought out alternative documentation of the period. What they found
especially useful were photos and films that only captured images of people
incidentally, because it showed how people dressed and did their hair and moved
and behaved when they didn’t know they were on camera as opposed to how
they looked when they were posing or being directed. German would describe
that research process, saying “For example, we watched some short films about
building water pipes. Of course, the cameraman was showing all those pipes. At
the same time, when he moved his camera from one place to another, he’d
happen to point the camera at the boys in the street, who were not always very
polite, who didn't have very good manners. Or we saw a woman carrying quite a
few bags. So we could see the real life.”
I wonder if the fourth wall breaking that is common throughout German’s films,
and used to great effect in My Friend Ivan Lapshin, might have its roots in the
sorts of films German used for research that incidentally captured everyday life. It
has much that effect, the sudden acknowledgment of the camera’s presence, that
reinforces the reality of the film rather than breaks it. Nick Glichenko, a professor
of Germanic and Russian studies at University of Victoria described the gazing
into camera in My Friend Ivan Lapshin as bearing “all the innocence of the naive
candid, captured in early documentaries and newsreels.” I think it’s such a
powerful conduit to the past, having it state right back at you. It’s one thing to
draw conclusions from the people of that era, but it becomes something
altogether more when you’re asked without any words to feel compassion for
them and see yourself in them. German said that “The device of the glance at the
camera, which I used somewhat in Trial on The Road and so much in Twenty
Days Without War, in My Friend Ivan Lapshin became the most important thing.
The entire film is built around it. The glance at the camera is the glance of those
people from over there, from out of that time period towards me and into my
soul.”
One aspect in which My Friend Ivan Lapshin is apart from German’s other films is
in its use of colour. It’s used very sparingly, mostly in the present day framing
sequences, though a few of the past scenes as well. The effect might be
comparable to the mixing of black & white and colour that Tarkovsky was known
for. The artistic purpose of the use of colour has been the subject of much
speculation, though there’s apparently a pragmatic reason for its presence in the
film. According to Svetlana Karmalita, of the many restrictions the State put on
them before funding the film, one was ‘feature length, colour’. German preferred
black & white, and decided to shoot the film in black & white without getting
permission from the studio. Karmalita described how they deliberately wrote
colourful descriptions in the script, so it would be easily assumed that they
planned to shoot in colour. On location German only shot two reels in colour
when under studio supervision, and the resulting use in the final film was the
minimum amount of colour they could get away with for it to qualify as ‘a colour
film’. So the reason for the colour footage was “survival” as Karmalita would put
it.
I’ve been framing much of my writing about Aleksei German around Hard to Be a
God because it was my entry point into his filmography and can be regarded as a
culmination of his work, but I wouldn’t hesitate in pointing to My Friend Ivan
Lapshin as German’s best film, essentially perfect in both its intricate conception
and elegant realization.
While shooting itself went quite quickly (especially in contrast to Twenty Days
Without War), from writing and pre-production in 1979 to the film’s eventual
release, would be about a five year-long process. Perhaps unsurprisingly by this
point, My Friend Ivan Lapshin initially ran into the same distribution issues that
faced Trial on The Road and Twenty Days Without War. German would find
himself fired when the film was submitted to Goskino. Filipp Ermash was still
president then (but wouldn’t be for much longer). German would say, “After the
prohibition of Lapshin it seemed I was the most downtrodden person at Lenfilm.
Who else can boast three shelved films?”
Very long story, short; the film would be shelved, but not for too long. Mikhail
Gorbachev singled it out as an example of Perestroika, the movement for political
reformation of which a key aspect was re-examining the past. Even though My
Friend Ivan Lapshin technically precedes Perestroika, it’s often understandably
lumped in with Perestroika era cinema. Still, it seems that there was some
caution in releasing the film. It came out in a trickle. For instance at the 1985
Moscow Film Festival, when Come and See was the talk of the town, My Friend
Ivan Lapshin’s screening was never publicly announced and by invitation only.
Of course the film would receive some criticism for the ‘de-heroization of the
1930s’, and actor/writer/director Andrey Smirnov went as far as to call it “not a
film, but a bowl movement” after its premier. However, any criticism was more or
less drowned out by overwhelming praise. Amongst Russian films, it’s often cited
as the very best, frequently topping polls and widely recognized amongst a
generation who grew up with it on television.
An expatriated Tarkovsky declared My Friend Ivan Lapshin the greatest Russian
film ever made. German politely demurred, saying he didn’t think his film was “as
good as Mirror or Andrei Rublev.”
It found some success in the west too, although it seems it was not widely
understood. Walter Goodman’s introductory description of My Friend Ivan
Lapshin for its first screening at the Museum of Modern Art, doesn’t allude to any
significance of the film outside its surface level drama, pitching it as a ‘soap
opera without the soap’. Even Jonathan Rosenbaum’s review, while praising the
performances and technical aspects, has him more or less shrug when it comes
to the film’s meaning and themes. I understand that the film approaches the
issues it addresses in an oblique way, and it takes a certain amount of reading
between-the-lines, but reading much of the criticism, I don’t know if there was a
reluctance (unconscious or not) to try to understand what the film is about.
CONTINUED IN PART 3
~ JUNE 12, 2018 ~
1 I’ll go into further detail on Beria in a later part, but here I just wanted to mention that I wrote about a different ‘The Butcher’, in my previous article for The Pink Smoke, The Assassination and Its Aftermath.
2 Incidentally, the title ‘Operation Happy New Year’ would be used for a 1996 comedy film. I wouldn’t even mention it, were it not for the fact that it features actor Leonid Yarmolnik who would go on to star in Hard to Be a God.
3 Probably the best known ‘Russian on the Fascist side’ is the general Vlasov who lead the Russian Liberation Army against the Soviet Union. In the last days
of the war, Vlasov and his men made a mad dash across Czechoslovakia with
the plan to be captured by Americans, who they believed would treat them as
prisoners of war rather than the condemned-to-death traitors the Soviets
declared them to be.
Strangely, Vlasov’s army would end up fighting the Germans too. When the
Prague Uprising began, it was with the hope that the American or Soviet armies
would come to the assistance of the Czech resistance. However, the Americans
negotiated to let the Soviets take the city, and the Soviets deliberately held off
liberating. The rationale for that was to let the Czech resistance do all of the
work, and to exhaust itself so they would not be able to cause trouble for the
Soviets like they had for the Germans. So the Czechs made a pact with Vlasov
and his men for immunity in exchange for assistance in fighting the SS and
pushing out the Germans. They succeeded, and managed to do so while
preserving the city from destruction, but it was a raw deal.
Most of the Russian Liberation Army succeeded in surrendering to the Americans
(some were arrested by Czech communists), but tragically the Americans turned
them over to the Soviets in act of appeasement or apathy, and just about all of
those soldiers would be murdered or sent to die in the gulags.
My grandmother saw them firsthand in her village when she was a girl, those
Russians in German uniforms who would be inconvenient to history. A memory
that left a deep impression on her was seeing one of those Soldiers crying and
hugging his horse, saying goodbye to the animal had been with him through the
entire war.
4 It seems part of the reason why comparisons are often drawn between German and Tarkovsky, is because of the overlap in actors they worked with.
German worked with many of the actors who appeared in Andrei Rublev in
particular. In a late-in-life interview, German would say, “For me, ever since first
seeing it, Andrei Rublev has been Tarkovsky's main film... All of Tarkovsky's films
are great, but only in Andrei Rublev did I feel that he really got under my ribs.” I
had been curious to know if German had seen the film before or after he began
trying to make Hard to Be a God, but haven’t been able to find anything
conclusive. The timeline becomes a bit messy because while completed in 1966,
Andrei Rublev didn’t receive a proper release until 1971, even after Trial on the
Road had already been shot. I’d wonder if German had found a way to see it
prior to then, and will probably have to keep on wondering.
5 I think in the West the quintessential Soviet film is recognized as Battleship Potemkin, but for elsewhere in the world, Chapaev seems to hold that position. I
understand why Battleship Potemkin is important, but honestly I never liked it, in
spite of the dozen (I’m not exaggerating) or so times I had to watch it either in full
or just the Odessa Step sequence in film school. Chapaev is no less iconic, and
for me at least, far more entertaining. I think it encompass all of the best qualities
of Soviet filmmaking of its era. Supposedly it was watched by thirty-million people
just during the year of its release, and Stalin had it screened for himself thirty-eight
times.
6 Lenfilm also scrubbed from the film’s credits, the names of some cast and crew who had escaped to the West in the intervening years. A number of them
continued to find work in film, like for instance assistant director Leo Zisman, who
would go on to work on The Big Red One, The Muppets Take Manhattan, The
Texas Chainsaw Massacre 2, Miracle Mile, and The Ice Runner. He mostly works
in television today.
7 Aleksei German could also very critical of the filmmakers who failed to present the truth, like for instance the famous documentary filmmaker Dziga
Vertov. Today Vertov is best known and celebrated for his 1929 film, Man With A
Movie Camera, though his career continued long after. For someone of German’s
generation Vertov would have been associated with his News of the Day shorts
which presented a falsified glossy portrait of Soviet life, or perhaps his
propagandistic war films like Blood for Blood, Death for Death. German would
say of him, “The brilliant Dziga Vertov is probably in a privileged corner of Dante's
Hell now. He invented what we knew about our country. He lied about
everything.”
8 I was excited to see this as Sally Potter has made some of my very favourite films, and now I wonder if she may have been influenced by Aleksei
German. There are several similarities throughout her films, such as the device of
glancing into camera used so well in Orlando, or the My Friend Ivan Lapshin-like
inclusion of a few colour shots into the cluttered but fluid black & white world of
The Tango Lesson, or perhaps most conspicuously in The Man Who Cried which
generally homages Soviet cinema of that era. I know that’s not very specific, but I
think it’s enough that I’ll have to take a closer look if (or more likely when) I write
an article about Sally Potter’s films.